As a researcher in the arena of childhood and youth, in particular how cultural narratives impact on children and young people it is not unusual that personal experience impacts upon the topics that I choose to study. One such incident occurred last year, following a conversation with a friend of nearly 50 years.
Spurred on by my musings on the events of my teenage years, I repurchased some 1970s teenage publications and looked upon them again with professional adult eyes. Looking through the montage covers of these publications at the smiling idols of the era, I began ticking off how many had died at a young age, and in tragic circumstances. I was also simultaneously working on a project that focused on issues around ‘Adverse Childhood Experiences’ (ACEs), a concept based in the finding that events creating insecure emotional development in childhood impact upon lifelong physical and mental health, resulting in a lower life expectancy of 20 years for those with the highest ACEs score.
Beginning to wonder if there might be a connection between the concept of ACEs and the number of early deaths of so many of those who had been idolised by teenage girls of my generation, I carried out a quick straw poll of people featured on the cover of FAB208 annuals from 1972-75, who I rated as relatively enduring major stars. Eight of those still living had never featured in the media with respect to addiction problems. Eight who had died, and two who were still living had all featured in publicity relating to addiction, some explicitly citing emotionally disrupted childhoods. Alcohol was named as the major source of substance abuse in five of these cases. This is a very small sample, so any conclusion can only be indicative; however, it shows a larger proportion of early death and addiction than would generally be expected. While still contemplating this finding, I carried out a literature search relating to research on ACEs in general, and found a reference to more secure findings that tied the ends of my thoughts together: performing artists with a high ACEs score tended to be more intensively creative than those who experienced more secure, loving childhoods.
All of these ideas were still circulating in my mind when the news broke that 1970s teen idol David Cassidy had become yet another of those to die at a comparatively young age, having experienced various difficulties throughout his life. On Monday 11th June, a TV programme aired in the US which followed Cassidy recording his last album Songs my father taught me, a tribute to his father, a ‘debonair and dashing ... bipolar, manic depressive alcoholic’ who left his mother when Cassidy was only three and a half. In the programme, Cassidy reflects on his childhood memories of his father, commenting upon being ‘an abandoned child, but I worshipped him’.
This documentary therefore unwittingly constitutes a poignant case study of the complex mixture of talent and anguish in a creative, sensitive performer that has been previously described in academic research. For example Marie Forgeard found that the number of adverse childhood events reported by her sample of 373 participants predicted breadth of creativity, leading Scott Kaufman to contemplate a new rationale for the use of creative therapies, such as art and drama for those with high ACE scores. In 2015 Paula Thompson and Victoria Jacque found a link between shame and fantasy in dancers, working from a theory of fantasy as a coping strategy, and in later, larger scale research, found that performing artists with high ACE scores were more able to enter what is known as a ‘flow state’, losing themselves in their performance. Chiraag Mittal found that while research typically finds that people with high ACE loads lack impulse inhibition, which can have negative consequences, the mirror image of this quality is the ability to shift attention quickly: ‘an aspect of cognitive flexibility, which is thought to underlie abilities such as creativity’.
All of this made contemplating the documentary about Cassidy’s last project even more emotionally harrowing than it otherwise would have been, especially as my first ever pop concert had been one in which he starred. The poignancy of the documentary’s narrative was further exacerbated by a bitter note; public dissemination of a conversation recorded by a journalist on her iPhone of a clearly ailing Cassidy explaining that while he was experiencing dementia-like symptoms, he had recently been informed by his doctors that these were not caused by the neurological degeneration associated with Alzheimer’s Disease as he had previously thought, but by his drinking.
I am very familiar with the insidious fear of mental decline that is typical in a person in later life who has watched the demise of two relatives who developed the condition; in Cassidy’s case, his mother and grandfather, and in mine, my mother and my paternal aunt. From this perspective, it would have been quite reasonable up to this point for Cassidy to have presumed that his increasing forgetfulness was due to the onset of Alzheimer’s. What he appeared to be doing in the recorded conversation was explaining that he had just been given an alternative diagnosis for his condition. Sadly and somewhat predictably however, the popular press overwhelmingly presented this phone call as the ‘sensational’ aspect of the documentary, in articles with disingenuous headlines similar to the Daily Mirror’s ‘David Cassidy admits he LIED about having dementia to cover up his drinking’.
In conclusion, it is very sad to see a person whose performances brought pleasure to millions, and who clearly experienced adverse events in childhood, being posthumously presented in this fashion. Part of being ‘ACEs and trauma aware’ means not framing the key question as ‘what is wrong with you?’ but instead ‘what happened to you?’ Recent contemplation on David Cassidy’s life has led me to consider that perhaps we should not only be applying this practice in individual, personal interactions, but also to people in the public eye, and that our media should attempt to become more ACEs and trauma aware, not least in the wake of recent high profile suicides.
As Cassidy himself sang:
‘See the funny little clown/ See the puppet on a string/ Wind him up and he will sing, give him candy he will dance/ But be certain not to feel if his funny face is real’
Saturday, 18 April 2020
Banish Baseline Beat Poverty Instead
The effects of stress upon young children have most recently been highlighted in the 'Adverse Childhood Experiences' research initiated by Felitti et al (1998). When placed in stressful environments, young children are likely to exhibit abnormally raised levels of the stress hormone cortisol (e.g., Dettling et al 1999; Dettling et al 2000; Watamura et al., 2003; Watamura et al, 2009, Watamura et al 2010).
The action of cortisol in the body mobilises the 'fight or flight' response, during which the body's glucose stores are made available to the creature's muscles to either fight or flee, hence cortisol disturbances in young children can consequently lead to suppressed growth, anxiety, depression and less memory capacity available for intellectual development (Guilfoyle and Sims 2010).
It is useful to imagine stressful experiences as a cumulative 'load'. Where some amount of stress is a normal feature of human life and can prevent boredom and inertia. But constant stress, particularly rooted in insoluable problems and paired with low levels of physical activity, can severely impact upon human beings' internal resources, causing them to become chronically anxious. Long term anxiety can in turn become a contributing factor to physical and mental illness.
What then does this have to do with the prospect of a baseline test? The transition to school is a stressful period for any four year old. Parents, too, feel some amount of stress, hoping that their child will settle in, make friends and be able to engage with the challenges of his/her first classroom. They will naturally see a test that is applied in the first half term of schooling as a test on their parenting, which adds to this load (see Jarvis 2017, online). This is particularly so for families who live in socio-economically deprived conditions, in which ongoing poverty and its associated insecurity frequently triggers a complex, interrelated and circular set of stressors within the household (Steele et al 2016).
This is currently the case for nearly a third of children in the UK; 30% of all children are officially categorised as poor, with higher concentrations inner city areas; for example 47% in Birmingham (End Child Poverty 2017). In such cases, the instigation of a baseline test on entry to school adds yet another stressor to the existing load, not least because children who come from poor households, in which adults are typically depressed and anxious, tend to have less developed linguistic skills (Perkins et al 2013, online). This will greatly impact on their ability to 'perform' in a one-trial, summative assessment (DFE 2017 online).
The baseline test is intended primarily to create a statistical point on a graph from which children's future progress will be measured and analysed. One major reason for this is to ensure teacher and school 'accountability' for children's progress. This will inevitably raise the already considerable assessment-fuelled stress load on teachers (TES 2017a online) as 'baselined' children move up into subsequent year groups, taking their 'baseline' statistic with them to be applied to successive teachers' performance management. Progression for children who live in poverty is also not a level playing field. Not only do they typically start from a lower base at school entry; due to the ongoing pressures upon them, they tend to develop more slowly.
Children raised in poverty... are faced daily with overwhelming challenges that affluent children never have to confront, and their brains have adapted to suboptimal conditions in ways that undermine good school performance - Jensen 2009, online.
Jensen refers to this process as 'cognitive lag', and it is clear that adding baseline testing into the situation will make it even more difficult than it is at present for teachers to view socio-economically deprived children as 'more than a score.' Not only will this impact upon how children already made vulnerable by poverty are treated in the classroom; the impetus to accelerate their intellectual development, or at least their performance in standard assessment tasks will make it impossible for teachers to effectively provide a respite for them from the stress that poverty heaps upon them at home.
Social media, assessment and poverty pressures have already become a toxic trio that have spawned a population of young people who are far more likely to present with mental health problems than previous generations. These include depression and eating disorders (Patalay and Fitzsimmons 2017) and self-harm for which hospital admissions have increased 42% over the past decade (The Guardian 2016, online).
In conclusion, the baseline test and its associated effects upon both adults and children is not only methodologically flawed in terms of validity and reliability; it is likely to wreak additional and ongoing damage upon the social and emotional environment within schools, disproportionately impacting upon children already experiencing a range of stressors within their home environment. It will cost £10m to instigate (TES 2017b) and many millions more to maintain. It would be far more logical and humane to mobilise public funds to address the ravages that poverty heaps upon such a high proportion of the nation's children, more effectively optimising their academic achievements and lifetime physical and mental health.
References
70-30 campaign (2017) Stress in Childhood Poster. Available at: http://www.70-30.org.uk/infographics/ Accessed on 12th December 2017
Badanes, L., Dmitrieva, J. and Watamura, S. (2012) 'Understanding cortisol reactivity across the day at child care: The potential buffering role of secure attachments to caregivers', Early Childhood Research Quarterly 27, pp.156– 165.
Dettling, A.C., Parker, S.W., Lane, S., Sebanc, A. and Gunnar, M.R. (2000) 'Quality of care and temperament determine changes in cortisol concentrations over the day for young children in childcare', Psychoneuroendocrinology 25, pp.819–836.
Dettling, A.C., Gunnar, M.R. and Donzella, B. (1999) 'Cortisol levels of young children in full-day childcare centers: Relations with age and temperament', Psychoneuroendocrinology, 24, pp.519–536.
DFE (2017) Primary Education in England. London: DFE. Available at: https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/644871/Primary_assessment_consultation_response.pdf Accessed 10th October 2017.
Felitti VJ, Anda RF, Nordenberg D, Williamson DF, Spitz AM, Edwards V, Koss MP, Marks JS. (1998) The relationship of adult health status to childhood abuse and household dysfunction. American Journal of Preventive Medicine Vol 14, pp.245-258.
Guilfoyle, A. and Sims, M. (2010) Cortisol Changes and the Quality of Child Care in Australian Preschool and Kindergarten Childre. Available at: http://www.illinoischildwelfare.org/archives/volume5/icw5-guilfoyle.pdf Accessed 11th December 2017
Jarvis, P. (2017) Is Baseline missing the bigger picture? TES online. Available at: https://www.tes.com/news/school-news/tes-magazine/baseline-missing-bigger-picture Accessed on 12th December 2017
Jensen, E. (2009) Teaching with Poverty in Mind. Available at: http://www.ascd.org/publications/books/109074/chapters/How-Poverty-Affects-Behavior-and-Academic-Performance.aspx Accessed on 14th December 2017
Patalay P & Fitzsimons E. Mental ill-health among children of the new century: trends across childhood with a focus on age 14. September 2017.Centre for Longitudinal Studies: London. Available at https://www.ncb.org.uk/sites/default/files/uploads/documents/Research_reports/UCL%20-%20NCB%20-%20Mental_Ill-Health%20FINAL.pdf Accessed 11th December 2017
Perkins, S., Finegood, E. And Swain, J. (2013) Poverty and Language Development: Roles of Parenting and Stress. Innov Clin Neurosci.10 (4) pp.10–19. Available at: https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3659033/ Accessed 14th December 2017.
Steele, H., Bate, J. Steele Shanta, M., Dube, R., Danskin, K., Knafo, H., Nikitiades, A. Bonuck, K., Meissner, P. and Murphy. A. (2016) Adverse Childhood Experiences, Poverty, and Parenting Stress. Canadian Journal of Behavioural Science / Revue canadienne des sciences du comportement Vol. 48:1, pp.32–38
TES (2017a) Teacher stress: 'The workload wasn't what broke me – it was the change in my school's culture'. TES Online. Available at: https://www.tes.com/news/school-news/breaking-views/teacher-stress-workload-wasnt-what-broke-me-it-was-change-my-schools Accessed on 12th December 2017
TES (2017b) DfE planning to spend £10m on Reception baseline test. TES Online. Available at: https://www.tes.com/news/school-news/breaking-news/dfe-planning-spend-ps10m-reception-baseline-test Accessed on 14th December 2017
The Guardian (2016) NHS figures show 'shocking' rise in self-harm among young. Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/society/2016/oct/23/nhs-figures-show-shocking-rise-self-harm-young-people Accessed 12th December 2017
Watamura, S.E., Donzella, B., Alwin, J. and Gunnar, M.R. (2003) 'Morning-to-afternoon increases in cortisol concentrations for infants and toddlers at child care: Age differences and behavioral correlates', Child Development 74, pp.1006–1020.
Watamura, S.E., Kryzer, E.M. and Robertson, S.S. (2009) Cortisol patterns at homeand child care: Afternoon differences and evening recovery in children attending very high quality full-day center-based child care. Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology 30, pp.475–485.
Watamura, S., Coe, C., Laudenslager, M. and Robertson, S. (2010) 'Child care setting affects salivary cortisol and antibody secretion in young children'. Psychoneuroendocrinology 35, pp.1156—1166.
The action of cortisol in the body mobilises the 'fight or flight' response, during which the body's glucose stores are made available to the creature's muscles to either fight or flee, hence cortisol disturbances in young children can consequently lead to suppressed growth, anxiety, depression and less memory capacity available for intellectual development (Guilfoyle and Sims 2010).
It is useful to imagine stressful experiences as a cumulative 'load'. Where some amount of stress is a normal feature of human life and can prevent boredom and inertia. But constant stress, particularly rooted in insoluable problems and paired with low levels of physical activity, can severely impact upon human beings' internal resources, causing them to become chronically anxious. Long term anxiety can in turn become a contributing factor to physical and mental illness.
What then does this have to do with the prospect of a baseline test? The transition to school is a stressful period for any four year old. Parents, too, feel some amount of stress, hoping that their child will settle in, make friends and be able to engage with the challenges of his/her first classroom. They will naturally see a test that is applied in the first half term of schooling as a test on their parenting, which adds to this load (see Jarvis 2017, online). This is particularly so for families who live in socio-economically deprived conditions, in which ongoing poverty and its associated insecurity frequently triggers a complex, interrelated and circular set of stressors within the household (Steele et al 2016).
This is currently the case for nearly a third of children in the UK; 30% of all children are officially categorised as poor, with higher concentrations inner city areas; for example 47% in Birmingham (End Child Poverty 2017). In such cases, the instigation of a baseline test on entry to school adds yet another stressor to the existing load, not least because children who come from poor households, in which adults are typically depressed and anxious, tend to have less developed linguistic skills (Perkins et al 2013, online). This will greatly impact on their ability to 'perform' in a one-trial, summative assessment (DFE 2017 online).
The baseline test is intended primarily to create a statistical point on a graph from which children's future progress will be measured and analysed. One major reason for this is to ensure teacher and school 'accountability' for children's progress. This will inevitably raise the already considerable assessment-fuelled stress load on teachers (TES 2017a online) as 'baselined' children move up into subsequent year groups, taking their 'baseline' statistic with them to be applied to successive teachers' performance management. Progression for children who live in poverty is also not a level playing field. Not only do they typically start from a lower base at school entry; due to the ongoing pressures upon them, they tend to develop more slowly.
Children raised in poverty... are faced daily with overwhelming challenges that affluent children never have to confront, and their brains have adapted to suboptimal conditions in ways that undermine good school performance - Jensen 2009, online.
Jensen refers to this process as 'cognitive lag', and it is clear that adding baseline testing into the situation will make it even more difficult than it is at present for teachers to view socio-economically deprived children as 'more than a score.' Not only will this impact upon how children already made vulnerable by poverty are treated in the classroom; the impetus to accelerate their intellectual development, or at least their performance in standard assessment tasks will make it impossible for teachers to effectively provide a respite for them from the stress that poverty heaps upon them at home.
Social media, assessment and poverty pressures have already become a toxic trio that have spawned a population of young people who are far more likely to present with mental health problems than previous generations. These include depression and eating disorders (Patalay and Fitzsimmons 2017) and self-harm for which hospital admissions have increased 42% over the past decade (The Guardian 2016, online).
In conclusion, the baseline test and its associated effects upon both adults and children is not only methodologically flawed in terms of validity and reliability; it is likely to wreak additional and ongoing damage upon the social and emotional environment within schools, disproportionately impacting upon children already experiencing a range of stressors within their home environment. It will cost £10m to instigate (TES 2017b) and many millions more to maintain. It would be far more logical and humane to mobilise public funds to address the ravages that poverty heaps upon such a high proportion of the nation's children, more effectively optimising their academic achievements and lifetime physical and mental health.
References
70-30 campaign (2017) Stress in Childhood Poster. Available at: http://www.70-30.org.uk/infographics/ Accessed on 12th December 2017
Badanes, L., Dmitrieva, J. and Watamura, S. (2012) 'Understanding cortisol reactivity across the day at child care: The potential buffering role of secure attachments to caregivers', Early Childhood Research Quarterly 27, pp.156– 165.
Dettling, A.C., Parker, S.W., Lane, S., Sebanc, A. and Gunnar, M.R. (2000) 'Quality of care and temperament determine changes in cortisol concentrations over the day for young children in childcare', Psychoneuroendocrinology 25, pp.819–836.
Dettling, A.C., Gunnar, M.R. and Donzella, B. (1999) 'Cortisol levels of young children in full-day childcare centers: Relations with age and temperament', Psychoneuroendocrinology, 24, pp.519–536.
DFE (2017) Primary Education in England. London: DFE. Available at: https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/644871/Primary_assessment_consultation_response.pdf Accessed 10th October 2017.
Felitti VJ, Anda RF, Nordenberg D, Williamson DF, Spitz AM, Edwards V, Koss MP, Marks JS. (1998) The relationship of adult health status to childhood abuse and household dysfunction. American Journal of Preventive Medicine Vol 14, pp.245-258.
Guilfoyle, A. and Sims, M. (2010) Cortisol Changes and the Quality of Child Care in Australian Preschool and Kindergarten Childre. Available at: http://www.illinoischildwelfare.org/archives/volume5/icw5-guilfoyle.pdf Accessed 11th December 2017
Jarvis, P. (2017) Is Baseline missing the bigger picture? TES online. Available at: https://www.tes.com/news/school-news/tes-magazine/baseline-missing-bigger-picture Accessed on 12th December 2017
Jensen, E. (2009) Teaching with Poverty in Mind. Available at: http://www.ascd.org/publications/books/109074/chapters/How-Poverty-Affects-Behavior-and-Academic-Performance.aspx Accessed on 14th December 2017
Patalay P & Fitzsimons E. Mental ill-health among children of the new century: trends across childhood with a focus on age 14. September 2017.Centre for Longitudinal Studies: London. Available at https://www.ncb.org.uk/sites/default/files/uploads/documents/Research_reports/UCL%20-%20NCB%20-%20Mental_Ill-Health%20FINAL.pdf Accessed 11th December 2017
Perkins, S., Finegood, E. And Swain, J. (2013) Poverty and Language Development: Roles of Parenting and Stress. Innov Clin Neurosci.10 (4) pp.10–19. Available at: https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3659033/ Accessed 14th December 2017.
Steele, H., Bate, J. Steele Shanta, M., Dube, R., Danskin, K., Knafo, H., Nikitiades, A. Bonuck, K., Meissner, P. and Murphy. A. (2016) Adverse Childhood Experiences, Poverty, and Parenting Stress. Canadian Journal of Behavioural Science / Revue canadienne des sciences du comportement Vol. 48:1, pp.32–38
TES (2017a) Teacher stress: 'The workload wasn't what broke me – it was the change in my school's culture'. TES Online. Available at: https://www.tes.com/news/school-news/breaking-views/teacher-stress-workload-wasnt-what-broke-me-it-was-change-my-schools Accessed on 12th December 2017
TES (2017b) DfE planning to spend £10m on Reception baseline test. TES Online. Available at: https://www.tes.com/news/school-news/breaking-news/dfe-planning-spend-ps10m-reception-baseline-test Accessed on 14th December 2017
The Guardian (2016) NHS figures show 'shocking' rise in self-harm among young. Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/society/2016/oct/23/nhs-figures-show-shocking-rise-self-harm-young-people Accessed 12th December 2017
Watamura, S.E., Donzella, B., Alwin, J. and Gunnar, M.R. (2003) 'Morning-to-afternoon increases in cortisol concentrations for infants and toddlers at child care: Age differences and behavioral correlates', Child Development 74, pp.1006–1020.
Watamura, S.E., Kryzer, E.M. and Robertson, S.S. (2009) Cortisol patterns at homeand child care: Afternoon differences and evening recovery in children attending very high quality full-day center-based child care. Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology 30, pp.475–485.
Watamura, S., Coe, C., Laudenslager, M. and Robertson, S. (2010) 'Child care setting affects salivary cortisol and antibody secretion in young children'. Psychoneuroendocrinology 35, pp.1156—1166.
Time to speak out for inclusion
When I teach content relating to working with children with Special Educational Needs and Disabilities (SEND) I always ensure that students are made aware of the concept of ‘differently abled’, in particular those children with high functioning Autism Syndrome Disorders, explaining the issues that arise when the considerable and frequently unconventional competencies of non-‘neurotypical’ pupils are ignored and sidelined. I use many different examples, for example, the achievements of American university academic Dr Temple Grandin and of Naoki Higashida who wrote the enchanting book The Reason I Jump, in which he comments ‘from your point of view, the world of autism must look like a deeply mysterious place. So please, spare a little time to listen to what I have to say’.
Over the past week stories in the national press have drawn me to pay attention to a related, increasingly irascible debate; that of ‘progressive eugenics’, an issue that I had until recently thought dead and buried with the Nazi regime that my father and his generation defeated. Consider this comment from Toby Young, in an article entitled The Fall of the Meritocracy: ‘I’m...interested in the potential of a technology that hasn’t been invented yet: genetically engineered intelligence’. Mr Young was recently nominated by the Secretary of State for Education to sit on the advisory board to the new Office for Students, but the offer of this role was withdrawn when the existence of some highly offensive tweets and his attendance at a ‘secret’ Eugenics conference in London came to light. Young goes on to quote the psychologist Geoffrey Miller’s prediction of a future process of conception:
Any given couple could potentially have several eggs fertilized in the lab with the dad’s sperm and the mom’s eggs. Then you can test multiple embryos and analyze which one’s going to be the smartest.
In further exploring this issue, I found another quote, this time from Boris Johnson, one of the most senior members of the current British government, in an article written by Oxford Professor and equal opportunities advocate, Danny Dorling:
Whatever you may think of the value of IQ tests, it is surely relevant to a conversation about equality that as many as 16 per cent of our species have an IQ below 85, while about 2 per cent have an IQ above 130. The harder you shake the pack, the easier it will be for some cornflakes to get to the top.’
As Dorling comments, ‘having a high IQ is about scoring well in a series of weird, largely context-free tests of visual logic. It is not about understanding’. IQ tests also cannot examine dexterity, artistic ability, musicality or emotional intelligence, and they are not designed to elicit evidence of the types of unconventional intelligence exhibited by the neurodiverse, such as Temple Grandin and Naoki Higashida. IQ tests cannot explore the unique, holisitic contribution that each human being brings to his or her family and community, regardless of any number allocated by a narrow, artificial assessment exercise.
It is clear that this government have increasingly focused upon the ‘datafication’ of state education. They are currently attempting to introduce a system of school and teacher ‘accountability’, which has given rise to systems of behaviour management in schools that appear designed to remove children whose results might suppress the collective results statistical profile. This has had the emergent result of non- neurotypical children being more likely to move quickly through a ‘no excuses’ disciplinary system, frequently resulting in permanent exclusion. A recent example of this process arose when a boy with Asperger’s Syndrome was excluded from his school for being unable to maintain eye contact with staff; a behaviour which is emergent from the neurodiverse condition that he shares with Grandin and Higashida.
Although not all schools have such explicit behaviour policies, this is a pattern that is being repeated across the nation, with exclusions of autistic children rising by a third over the past year. This is clearly in opposition to legislation designed to support inclusion, such as the Equality Act 2010 and the Children and Families Act 2014. If our government are now signalling that they are willing to flirt with the concept of eugenics in a poorly understood attempt to ‘raise standards’, we are all in great danger.
As Kenny Fries asks in his article The first victims of the Nazis were disabled: ‘What kind of society do we want to be? Those of us who live with disabilities are at the forefront of the larger discussion of what constitutes a valued life.’ We are already feeling the first gusts of an icy wind blowing along the Westminster corridors of power. In the world famous words of Martin Niemöller:
First they came for the Socialists, and I did not speak out—
Because I was not a Socialist.
Then they came for the Trade Unionists, and I did not speak out—
Because I was not a Trade Unionist.
Then they came for the Jews, and I did not speak out—
Because I was not a Jew.
Then they came for me—and there was no one left to speak for me.
It is time for us all to speak out in support of inclusion, as loudly as we can.
Over the past week stories in the national press have drawn me to pay attention to a related, increasingly irascible debate; that of ‘progressive eugenics’, an issue that I had until recently thought dead and buried with the Nazi regime that my father and his generation defeated. Consider this comment from Toby Young, in an article entitled The Fall of the Meritocracy: ‘I’m...interested in the potential of a technology that hasn’t been invented yet: genetically engineered intelligence’. Mr Young was recently nominated by the Secretary of State for Education to sit on the advisory board to the new Office for Students, but the offer of this role was withdrawn when the existence of some highly offensive tweets and his attendance at a ‘secret’ Eugenics conference in London came to light. Young goes on to quote the psychologist Geoffrey Miller’s prediction of a future process of conception:
Any given couple could potentially have several eggs fertilized in the lab with the dad’s sperm and the mom’s eggs. Then you can test multiple embryos and analyze which one’s going to be the smartest.
In further exploring this issue, I found another quote, this time from Boris Johnson, one of the most senior members of the current British government, in an article written by Oxford Professor and equal opportunities advocate, Danny Dorling:
Whatever you may think of the value of IQ tests, it is surely relevant to a conversation about equality that as many as 16 per cent of our species have an IQ below 85, while about 2 per cent have an IQ above 130. The harder you shake the pack, the easier it will be for some cornflakes to get to the top.’
As Dorling comments, ‘having a high IQ is about scoring well in a series of weird, largely context-free tests of visual logic. It is not about understanding’. IQ tests also cannot examine dexterity, artistic ability, musicality or emotional intelligence, and they are not designed to elicit evidence of the types of unconventional intelligence exhibited by the neurodiverse, such as Temple Grandin and Naoki Higashida. IQ tests cannot explore the unique, holisitic contribution that each human being brings to his or her family and community, regardless of any number allocated by a narrow, artificial assessment exercise.
It is clear that this government have increasingly focused upon the ‘datafication’ of state education. They are currently attempting to introduce a system of school and teacher ‘accountability’, which has given rise to systems of behaviour management in schools that appear designed to remove children whose results might suppress the collective results statistical profile. This has had the emergent result of non- neurotypical children being more likely to move quickly through a ‘no excuses’ disciplinary system, frequently resulting in permanent exclusion. A recent example of this process arose when a boy with Asperger’s Syndrome was excluded from his school for being unable to maintain eye contact with staff; a behaviour which is emergent from the neurodiverse condition that he shares with Grandin and Higashida.
Although not all schools have such explicit behaviour policies, this is a pattern that is being repeated across the nation, with exclusions of autistic children rising by a third over the past year. This is clearly in opposition to legislation designed to support inclusion, such as the Equality Act 2010 and the Children and Families Act 2014. If our government are now signalling that they are willing to flirt with the concept of eugenics in a poorly understood attempt to ‘raise standards’, we are all in great danger.
As Kenny Fries asks in his article The first victims of the Nazis were disabled: ‘What kind of society do we want to be? Those of us who live with disabilities are at the forefront of the larger discussion of what constitutes a valued life.’ We are already feeling the first gusts of an icy wind blowing along the Westminster corridors of power. In the world famous words of Martin Niemöller:
First they came for the Socialists, and I did not speak out—
Because I was not a Socialist.
Then they came for the Trade Unionists, and I did not speak out—
Because I was not a Trade Unionist.
Then they came for the Jews, and I did not speak out—
Because I was not a Jew.
Then they came for me—and there was no one left to speak for me.
It is time for us all to speak out in support of inclusion, as loudly as we can.
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